Arunachal: Why 4 NPP MLAs Join PPA, Read the reason….
Below is an explanation of the possible reasons for this defection, based on available information and political context.
ITANAGAR- ( By Manzar Alam ) The defection of four National People’s Party (NPP) legislators to the People’s Party of Arunachal (PPA) in Arunachal Pradesh, as reported on June 16-17, 2025, marks a significant political shift in the state’s legislative landscape.
The legislators involved are Namgey Tsering (Tawang), Pesi Jilen (Liromoba), Tapi Darang (Pasighat East), and Oni Panyang (Mariyang-Geku), all of whom were elected on NPP tickets during the 2024 Assembly elections.
This move has reduced the NPP’s strength in the 60-member Arunachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly to just one MLA, while elevating the PPA’s tally to six, making it the second-largest party after the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
The question arises that why did these four NPP MLAs decide to leave their party and why did they choose PPA?………Below is an explanation of the possible reasons for this defection, based on available information and political context.
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Reasons for the Defection
The PPA, Arunachal Pradesh’s oldest regional party, has historically been a significant player in the state’s politics, often aligning with regional aspirations. The defecting MLAs may see the PPA as a stronger platform to address local issues and consolidate regional influence. This shift could reflect a preference for a party with deeper roots in Arunachal’s political identity, especially as the PPA is described as the state’s “lone regional party” with ideological proximity to the ruling BJP.
Both the NPP and PPA are allies of the BJP, which dominates Arunachal’s politics with 46 seats in the 2024 elections. The defection may be a strategic move to align more closely with a regional party that complements the BJP’s coalition dynamics.
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Political observers suggest this could bolster the BJP-led coalition’s strength, as the PPA’s increased representation enhances the ruling alliance’s stability. The defectors might perceive better opportunities for influence or resources within the PPA, given its growing prominence.
While not explicitly detailed in the sources, defections often stem from dissatisfaction with the parent party. The example of the NCP’s defection in Nagaland, where MLAs cited “pending work in their constituencies” as a reason for joining the NDPP, suggests similar issues could apply here. The NPP, a Meghalaya-based party, may have faced challenges in addressing local concerns in Arunachal, prompting the MLAs to switch to a more regionally focused party like the PPA.
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The switch was executed under Rule 4 of the Members of Arunachal Pradesh Legislative Assembly (Disqualification on Grounds of Defection) Rules, 1987, with the MLAs submitting Form-III declarations on May 12, 2025. This legal maneuver indicates the defection was carefully planned to comply with anti-defection provisions, which allow exemptions when a significant portion of a party merges with another. The collective defection of four out of five NPP MLAs suggests a coordinated effort to avoid disqualification, possibly driven by strategic or ideological alignment with the PPA.
Arunachal Pradesh has a history of political defections, as noted in the case of 43 Congress MLAs, led by Chief Minister Pema Khandu, defecting to the PPA in 2016 before switching to the BJP. This culture of “turncoat politics” may have normalized such shifts, with MLAs viewing defection as a viable way to secure political relevance or access to power. The 2025 defections could be part of this pattern, driven by pragmatic considerations like better political prospects or influence within the PPA.
The defection significantly weakens the NPP, leaving it with only one MLA (Thangwang Wangham) and diminishing its status as the second-largest party in the 2024 elections (where it won five seats). Conversely, the PPA’s rise to six MLAs strengthens its position in the Assembly, potentially offering the defectors a larger platform to influence policy or secure benefits for their constituencies. The move may also reflect the MLAs’ assessment that the PPA offers a more stable or advantageous position in the state’s political hierarchy.
The BJP’s dominance (46 seats) overshadows both the NPP and PPA, but the PPA’s regional focus and alliance with the BJP make it an attractive destination for MLAs seeking to maintain relevance in a BJP-led coalition. The defections do not appear to threaten the BJP’s government but rather reshape the dynamics among its allies.
The NPP, while a regional party in Meghalaya, may lack the same level of local resonance in Arunachal compared to the PPA. The MLAs’ shift could reflect a preference for a party perceived as more attuned to Arunachal’s specific needs and identity.
The sources do not provide explicit statements from the defecting MLAs about their motivations. However, the pattern of defections in the Northeast, as seen in Nagaland and Manipur, suggests factors like dissatisfaction, strategic alignment, or access to resources often drive such moves.
